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STOP THE WAR! 

Italo-American Mediation 
How to Prepare For It 



Proposed Joint Resolution and Speech 



UNION OF WHITE RACE 

To Maintain Its Supremacy 







■^ "fv Q 



0. Of 
iUN 12 1915 






Printed Sept. 25, 1914. 
H. J. Res 



63d COi'^GRESS, 

2d Session, 



In the House of Representatives. 
September . . , 1914. 



Mr ,. of introduced 

the following joint resolution, which was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to be printed. 

JOINT RESOLUTION 

Requesting the President to make an offer to the British and 
Canadian governments to negotiate in regard to the trans- 
fer of southeastern Alaska to Canada by sale or exchange 
or both. 

Whereas the present war is due to the uncompromising 
attitude of European nations on certain burning questions 
which divide them ; and 

Whereas these questions can only be settled by mutual 
concessions, on the principle of ''Do unto others as you 
would they should do unto you;" and 

Whereas the most persuasive and most inoffensive way to 
advocate mutual concessions is by example ; and 

Whereas our mediation will become a mere formality un- 
less w^e prove that we ourselves are willing to make con- 
cessions, to "do unto others as we would they should do unto 

us;" and 

(3) 



Whereas the narrow coast strip of southeastern Alaska, 
shutting off one-third of western Canada from free access to 
tlie Pacific, has for years been a source of irritation to the 
Canadians and is bound to become more and more irritating 
as population and commerce increase in the country behind 
it; and 

"Whereas this situation bears a close resemblance to the 
burning questions which have caused the present war; and 

Whereas a unique opportunity is thus presented to the 
United States to set before the eyes of the world the shining 
example of a Model Concession to Canada and thus to prove 
the sincerity and earnestness of our mediation, to make it 
more effective and impressive, and a source of immortal 
honor to our country : Therefore be it 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That 
the President be, and he is hereby, requested to make an 
offer to the British and Canadian governments to negotiate 
in regard to the transfer of southeastern Alaska to Canada 
by sale or exchange or both. 



(Draft of speech to accompany resolution.) 

How to Prepare the Way for Early and 
Effective Mediation. 

I wish to say a word regarding House Joint Resolution 

No , requesting the President to make an offer to the 

British and Canadian governments to negotiate regarding 
the transfer of southeastern Alaska to Canada by sale or ex- 
change or both. Tl;ie purpose of the resolution, as stated 
in the preamble, is to set an example in the policy of mutual 
concessions between nations, and thus to prepare the way 
for quick and effective mediation in the present war. The 
idea is to draw the beam out of our own eye, in the hope 
that our brothers in Europe may thereby be made to perceive 
the advantage of drawing the motes out of their eyes. Of 
course we cannot negotiate on the subject of Alaska while 
the war is going on; we can only offer to negotiate. The 
negotiation itself will have to be postponed till after the 
war. 

The Eloquence of Cannon. 

You are aware that a resolution of this nature was intro- 
duced four times during the past two years, twice by Mr. 
Stephens of Texas and twice by Mr. Smith of Maryland. 
As explained by Mr. Smith in the Congressional Record 
of November 7 last, in a speech of extraordinary ability, the 
resolution was intended to serve as an entering wedge to re- 
move the causes that have led to this dreadful war. That 
generous and far-sighted effort proved unsuccessful, but with 
our minds awakened by the thunder of a thousand cannon 
it is to be hoped that a renewed effort may aid at least in 
shortening the war. We did not have enough foresight ; let 
us at least have some hindsight. 



Our Own Fate is at Stake. 

In ordinary timesi it is notoriously difficult to gain the 
public ear for a proposition which constitutes a new de- 
parture. But we are not living in ordinary times. We can- 
not afford to be dozing now, when our answer to the sug- 
gestion of a new departure may determine our safety or our 
ruin. The war which is now raging threatens to become the 
greatest calamity that ever befell not only Europe, but also 
America. We must stop it at any cost, and if there is any 
means at our disposal that may strengthen our hands for 
that effort we must use it, not only for the sake of humanity, 
but principally to save our own skins. 

Union of the White Race Our Only Hope. 

Why must we stop this war? Because the people who are 
killing and ruining each other are those on whom we have 
to rely for aid in the approaching struggle with Asia. Their 
resources are our resources, and in wasting them they are 
wasting out means of defense. In Asia there are 800 million 
people who demand the privilege of admission to all lands 
of the globe. These 800 millions are not united now, but 
their common demand for the privilege of admission is sure 
no unite them before long. For that matter, more than half 
of them are already united. It would be an idle boast, "the 
valor of ignorance," to say that we could resist 800 millions 
when they are armed at the same rate as Japan. The en- 
tire strength of the united white race will be needed to cope 
with this danger. Our foremost duty to ourselves, therefore, 
if we wish this nation to remain a white nation and to main- 
tain the ideals of white civilization, is to work for the 
union of the white race. Our first line of defense, as has 
been well said by Mr. Smith, is not on the Pacific coast, but 
on the frontiers of India and Siberia. 



Ip Britain Loses India, White Supremacy Ceases. 

You can readily see what will happen if this sickening 
war is protracted. It must speedily reduce our prospective 
allies to a state of exhaustion. It is supposed to cost some- 
thing like 50 million dollars a day. Germany is reported 
to be putting six million soldiers in the field, one out of 
eleven of her population, leaving only the women, children, 
old men, and invalids at home. The other nations are doing 
approximately the same. What is to become of their indus- 
tries, which are the source of their strength, that is to say, 
the source of our strength ! At any moment we may expect 
the news of a life-and-death struggle between the British and 
German navies, which will most likely cripple both. If the 
remnant of the British navy is thereupon forced to confine 
itself to home w^aters, to protect the commerce upon which 
Britain depends for food, who will patrol the Indian ocean 
and prevent unscrupulous dealers, yellow and white, from 
smuggling firearms into India? And when the 315 mil- 
lion natives of India have got possession of say half a million 
rifles, perhaps a few cannon, how long will the 75,000 white 
troops be able to maintain the British rule ? If Britain loses 
India, she can never regain it, in the enfeebled condition in 
which a protracted European war would leave her. India, 
made rich by Britain, blest by her with peace for the first 
time in history, endowed by her with railways, canals, tele- 
graphs, and great educational institutions, will at once join 
her force to that of the Mongolians, not only in ousting the 
white man from Asia, but in demanding free access to all 
lands, especially the lands of high wages, Australia, New 
Zealand, Canada, and the United States. France will lose 
Indo-China, Holland will lose her East Indian possessions, 
Russia will lose Siberia, and then the united Asiatics will 
number not 800 but 1,000 millions, able to build ten war- 
ships to every one of ours. In a word, we must stop this war 



at all costs and at once, and if it requires extraordinary meas- 
ures we must wake up and use them. The feeling between 
our parent nations, in Europe is even now too bitter to admit 
of their early union; we must not allow it to become still 
further embittered by additional mutual injury; we must, 
if possible, show them how the bitterness may be allayed. 
An excess of lemon juice calls for an extra quantity of sugar. 

American Neuteality. 

It is idle at this moment to inquire who is responsible for 
this catastrophe. We cannot look behind the diplomatic 
curtain. When all the facts are known, if they ever become 
known, they will most likely be found totally different from 
what is now rashly surmised. Such being^ the case, it is 
foolish on the part of Americans to take sides one way or 
another, to lay the blame on this or that nation. It is worse 
than foolish, it is pernicious, for it renders our mediation 
more difficult. Our vital interests require us to offer that 
mediation as soon as there is the slightest prospect of suc- 
cess, and meantime to use every means to predispose the 
warring nations to accept mediation. 

The Devilish Work op the Automatic No-sayers. 

That is the purpose of my resolution : to prepare the way 
for early and effective mediation. You are of course aware 
that this war is not the outcome of a sudden burst of rage, 
but represents the explosion of forces which have for years 
been accumulating under pressure. The cause of this 
pressure is well known ; it is the iron shirt of habit, the in- 
ertia of accomplished facts, the obstinacy inherent in those 
unwieldy human conglomerates called nations, which causes 
them to refuse to make the slightest concession to the de- 
mand of a neighboring nation, even when that demand is 
most reasonable and equitable. Nations professing to be 



9 

Christian have refused to obey the fundamental law of 
Christianity: Do unto others as you would they should do 
unto you! A number of burning questions, dividing the 
nations of Europe, have been allowed to remain unquenched 
till they have burst into a general conflagration. No matter 
how peace is made, it will not be secure unless the nations 
are willing to make mutual concessions in regard to these 
burning questions. We are told that this war was inevitable. 
That is a phrase from the dictionary of superstition. The 
war could easily have been avoided if a few prominent men 
had had the courage to brave the sneers and insults of the 
rowdies and fling themselves resolutely into the fray in be- 
half of these mutual concessions. Physical courage seems 
to be plentiful as mud; moral courage, rare as gold. We 
wish to see a permanent settlement, as the indispensable 
condition of that union of the white race on which depends 
our hope of future safety. We cannot tell the European 
nations what mutual concessions they should make, for we 
cannot afford to pose as instructors, presuming, at a dis- 
tance of 3,000 miles, to solve problems in which we have 
never been practically concerned. But we can do something 
far better ; we can preach the doctrine of mutual concessions 
by example, and thus furnish palpable proof of the sin- 
cerity and earnestness of our mediation. Actions speak 
louder than words. If we wish to exhort other people to be 
reasonable, we must first be reasonable ourselves. 

People Who Live ix Glass Houses. 

Let us confess that we, too, have been unreasonable toward 
one of our neighbors, Canada. We, too, have allowed our 
mental machinery to be clogged by the inertia of a wrongly 
accomplished fact; we, too, have not been energetic enough 
to unbutton the iron shirt of habit. We have been deaf to 
the complaints of the Canadians, just as European na- 
tions have been deaf to one another's complaints. The 
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10 

question of the Alaska Panhandle is a burning ques- 
tion to Canada, although we have ignored it. Any 
one that has eyes in his head can see at a glance what 
a nuisance it must be to a young and vigorous na,- 
tion to have one-third of her western provinces and terri- 
tories shut off from free access to the Pacific by a coast strip 
536 miles long in a straight line and in some places only 8 
miles wide. In a few years the country behind that coast 
strip will have several hundred thousand inhabitants. Set- 
tlers are now pouring in at the rate of 40,000 a year, about 
half of them being Americans. Their commerce will nat- 
urally seek the nearest outlet to the sea. Imagine their feel- 
ings, even of the American settlers, when they find that they 
cannot get their goods to and from the sea except by pass- 
ing them in bond through a barbed-wire fence of custom- 
houses strung along a zigzag line for 760 miles, almost every- 
where in sight of the sea! What would be our feelings if a 
Canadian panhandle 536 miles long, 8 to 20 miles wide, 
stretched from eastern Maine down to Atlantic City; if all 
the ports on that coast, Portland, Boston, Providence, New- 
port, New York, Jersey City, were Canadian cities, deriving 
their wealth from the American country behind them, yet 
contributing not a cent toward American taxes; if not a 
pound of freight could be sent from the interior to the sea 
for export, except in bond ! What would be the feelings of 
the people of Aug-usta, Maine, or Worcester, Mass., on read- 
ing in some Canadian paper this brilliant advice : If you do 
not like to cross Canadian territorj^ to get to the sea, all 
you have to do is to go to Philadelphia! That advice was 
actually given to the Canadians by an American paper: If 
the people of Yukon Territory and northern British Colum- 
bia do not like to cross American territory to get to the sea, 
all they have to do is to go to Prince Rupert! How bril- 
liant! How gentlemanly! We, too, profess to be a Chris- 
tian nation, yet we, too, have refused to obey the funda- 
mental rule of Christianity, which for that matter is also 



11 

the fundamental law in the gentleman's code: Do unto 
others as you would they should do unto you ! 

The Beam in Our Ow^n Eye. 

If I dared specify some of the burning questions that 
have brought about the present war, you would see at once 
that they are exactly of the same nature as this burning ques- 
tion between us and Canada. This question has been urged 
on the attention of the American public for nearly two years, 
but has not hitherto been treated seriously, for the reason, 
perhaps, that moral courage is not much more plentiful in 
this country than in Europe. Everybody admitted that the 
Alaska Panhandle is a nuisance to the Canadians, but the 
usual comment was that "the United States is not in the 
selling or swapping business." That, of course, is no argu- 
ment at all, but simply a display of the iron shirt of habit, 
tt.n outcrop of the same unholy, pernicious, brutal spirit of 
obstinacy and thick-skinned callousness that has opposed 
all mutual concessions among European nations or even the 
m.ere discussion of these concessions, and has thus brought 
about the present dreadful catastrophe. The dominant note 
in the American press at this moment is one of breathless 
astonishment that ten million men should be shooting at 
each other for no earthly reason that the average American 
mind can discover. How did it come about? Let me tell 
you how it came about. To all their neighbors' pleadings 
for concessions the European nations have steadily replied, 
year after year: "Nol We are not in the selling or swap- 
ping business, and we don't propose to discuss the subject." 
That is exactly the reply which some of our brilliant fellow- 
citizens make to the suggestion of a concession to Canada. 
If, in offering mediation, we msh to approach our excited 
brothers with a clear conscience, if we wish to advocate by 
example those mutual concessions which we dare not openly 
specify, for fear of seeming presumptuous, we cannot refuse 



12 

to make this Model Concession to Canada, which we would 
have made long ago if we had given the matter serious 
thought, if we had not been too busy with other things. We 
should be guilty of a piece of glaring and brazen hy- 
pocrisy if, while entreating our brothers to be rea- 
sonable toward their neighbors, we refused to be reason- 
able toward our neighbor. No one ever suggested that 
we donate this Panhandle to Canada; the only thing 
proposed was that we exchange it for an equivalent. 
Very likely we can get something for it that would be 
far more useful to us. The thrifty men in this coun- 
try are decidedly in the selling and swapping business 
whenever they find that they can thereby add to their pos- 
sessions. Y\^e can probably retain every essential advantage 
we now enjoy through the possession of the Panhandle and 
gain new advantages. But that is a matter which need not 
be discussed now. The all-important object to-day is to stop 
the war; to make our mediation as effective and impressive 
as possible; to take away every possible ground for the sus- 
picion that it is a mere formality. Actions speak louder 
than words. 

What Would a Gentleman Do? 

Another brilliant remark sometimes made on this subject 
is this: "If the Canadians want this Panhandle, it is their 
business to come to us and ask for it." Doubtless the people 
who talk that way would be highly offended if some one 
questioned whether they were gentlemen; yet if they re- 
flected a moment they would perceive that they are advocat- 
ing the very thing which the gentleman scrupulously avoids. 
Knowing how unpleasant it is to be forced to complain, the 
gentleman does not wait till his neighbor is reduced to that 
extremity. As soon as he perceives that he is subjecting his 
neighbor to a nuisance which can be removed without incon- 
venience to any one he goes to him and apologizes for his 



13 

thoughtlessness in having allowed the nuisance to continue 
so long. We are gathere.d here to look after the rights of our 
fellow-citizens. Their foremost right is the right to be ladies 
and gentlemen, not only individually but collectively. To 
assume that the American people would prefer to wait till 
Canada complains would be a mortal insult, for it would be 
equivalent to saying that our fellow-citizens are not ladies 
and gentlemen. The only reason why they have not yet 
made the Model Concession to Canada is because the matter 
has not been sufficiently brought to their attention. 

The Magic of Example. 

Imagine the im.pression which the offer of the Alaskan 
Panhandle would make in Canada and Britain. These are 
the very countries where our mediation is most likely to be 
welcomed and to find the strongest support. They will wel- 
come it with tenfold eagerness and consider it with ten- 
fold attention when it is preluded by such a concession, giv- 
inp: tangible proof of our earnestness and an example in the 
policj^ of settling international disputes on the basis of the 
gentleman's code. Britain engaged in this war with the 
utmost reluctance. Though she must of course fight with 
all her might so long as she is in, she would like nothing 
better than to be out. She knows that victory would be al- 
most as disastrous to her as defeat, for when Germany is 
prostrate neither Britain nor France will have any force to 
oppose to Russia's dictation, except by imploring Japan to 
help them and paying her a good price, Manchuria surely, 
and possibly Eastern Siberia, or by begging Germany's for- 
giveness and asking her to spend her remaining strength in 
behalf of tho.«e that crushed her. Numerous voices in Brit- 
ain are asking whether it is good policy to kill your best 
friend first and then to resurrect him. Moreover, Britain 
knows that her slender garrisons in India, Egypt, and South 
Africa are sitting on volcanoes, the caps of which may be 



14 

blown off at any moment. She knows that she could not 
reinforce these garrisons if her main force were facing huge 
armies on European battlefields and if her navy by that time 
were crippled. Lord Kitchener has been in India, Egypt, 
and South Africa. He knows how deep is the discontent 
in those three countries and how instantly the white garri- 
sons and the white colonists would be massacred if ever the 
natives got the idea that the Motherland could send no help. 
For that very reason it is highly improbable that Britain 
will send more than 200,000 men against the Germans. 

Italo-Ameeican Mediation. 

If Italy maintains her neutrality and thus keeps her mili- 
tary strength intact while the fighting nations are wasting 
theirs, a day will soon come when Italy and the United 
States can jointly offer their mediation. Italy and Britain 
combined will then be practically in a position to compel the 
combatants to agree to a conference. If meantime we place 
before the eyes of the world the shining example of a Model 
Concession to Canada, there is good reason to hope that the 
parties to the conference may be willing to make those 
mutual concessions that are needed to give permanence to 
the work of the conference and thus ^epare the way for 
that union of the white race which is our only chance of 
salvation. Would not our permanent security be an ample 
equivalent for the Alaska Panhandle? 

Make the Offer Now ; Negotiate Later. 

As already noted, the negotiations regarding the Pan- 
handle could not be well conducted while the war is going 
on. They will have to be postponed till peace is restored. 
All that is needed now is that we make the offer; that we 
show our willingness to negotiate on this subject. That offer 
in itself will constitute the Model Concession. Our brothers 



15 

in Europe will be more willing to draw the motes from their 
eyes when they see us preparing to draw the beam from our 
own eye. Actions speak louder than words. If we intend to 
ask our kindred to be reasonable we must make up our 
minds to be reasonable ourselves. 



Delay Might be Fatal, 

Our mediation ought to be offered at the earliest possible 
moment, as soon as there is the slightest prospect of success, 
for, as I said, we cannot afford to let our white kindred, our 
natural allies, ruin each other; we cannot afford to let 
them waste the resources which are ours as well as 
theirs, for they constitute the silent reserve whose mere 
existence affords us the best protection against Asia, 
Their cannon are our cannon, their battleships are our 
battleships, their money is our money. We cannot 
afford to sit idle while France is devastated, stricken 
with paralysis from which she could not recover for 
many years, leaving French Indo-China an easy prey to the 
IMongolians. We cannot afford to wait till Kiautschau is 
taken and another blow dealt to the prestige of the white 
race. We are told that this war will not end till one side is 
prostrated. That would be a disaster to us, and it would be 
a disaster to the victors, for the cost of the victory would im- 
measurably exceed the value of any advantage they might 
derive from it. Some people seem to take pleasure . in the 
thought that the strongest white nation, the most highly 
educated nation, is to be crushed by a combination of other 
white nations. That would be the most atrocious form of 
race suicide. From all accounts it seems that neither side 
wanted war, but that they blundered into it from mutual 
suspicion and bluff, just as we blundered into our civil war. 
If neither side wanted war, why should it continue? 



16 



Anglo-German Fratricide. 

In particular, we have the most urgent motive to see Brit- 
ain extricated from this horrible and unnatural fight against 
her white kindred, the vforld's schoolmasters, whose univer- 
sities are the Meccas of all students, especially Russians. 
You know how horrible it seemed to us during our civil war to 
be forced to fire at our own fellow-citizens. I am sure every 
British soldier has somewhat the same feeling when firing 
at German soldiers, defenders of the land which was the 
original home of Englishmen and Anglo-Americans, the 
land which for hundreds of years has been England's con- 
stant ally, and with which she has never before been at war. 
It is nauseating to hear the German armies referred to as 
''hordes" when everybody knows that there is not an illit- 
erate among them, which is more than can be said of their 
opponents. Some phrasemaker the other day called Ger- 
many "a menace to civilization." How can the mainspring 
of the watch be a menace to the watch? All the dispatches 
are filled with accounts of the incredible bravery of the Ger- 
man soldiers. It seems to me that every Englishman must 
by this time be proud to think that he is a kinsman of these 
brave people. Many an Englishman must be saying to him- 
self : ''Can it be that the cause which inspires such devotion 
is a bad cause? Would these highly intelligent people fight 
so heroically if their aim were mere wanton aggression? 
Are they not perhaps sincere in saying that they are simply 
fighting for independence, and not merely for their own, but 
also for England's independence? Can it be that England 
is making war on her best friend? Would it be an honor 
for England to take part in crushing such a brave nation, 
the land of books, the land of universities, England's own 
Mother? Is it not an everlasting pity that this magnificent 
courage is displayed against England instead of for her? 
What could be better for England than an alliance with this 



17 

marvelously efficient nation? After all, neither England, 
nor any nation would hesitate to disregard a scrap of paper 
if she saw no other means of escape from ruin, England 
did not hesitate, in 1807, to attack Denmark, a neutral 
nation, without warning, to bombard Copenhagen, and carry- 
off the Danish fleet." 

International Executive Power. 

An Anglo-American alliance, which has long been urged 
by many earnest people on both sides, is impossible in the 
face of the solid opposition of the German-Americans. Now 
it seemed highly probable, only three months ago, that Brit- 
ain and Germany would form an alliance. That would have 
led almost inevitably to the Anglo-American alliance, the 
virtual reunion of the two fragments of the English-speaking 
nation. The German- Americans would have been foremost 
in demanding it, as their only means of reunion with the 
Fatherland, lending to it the immense advantage of Ameri- 
can support. A compromise between France and Germany 
would have followed — some of the wisest and most promi- 
nent people in Britain were working for it with might and 
main, as the essential condition of a durable Anglo-German 
understanding- — ^and thus the four most enlightened nations, 
Britain, France, Germany, and the United States, would 
have been combined into that International Executive Power 
advocated both by Mr. Carnegie and by Colonel Roosevelt, 
a power strong enough to keep the globe at peace forever, 
for, once united, the four nations would be kept forever 
united by the immense advantage of union. One-tenth of 
their present armaments would suffice to accomplish this 
object, and no nation would welcome that reduction of mili- 
tary expenditure more eagerly than Germany. In fact it 
seems impossible to imagine how eternal peace could be se- 
cured in any other way than through an International Ex- 
ecutive Power consisting of the four freest, strongest, most 

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18 

enlightened nations. That dream has been shattered for the 
present, but who would have the heart to say that it has 
been shattered forever? If we can revive it by means of the 
proposed concession to Canada, would not that achievement 
alone be worth a thousand Panhandles? As for Anglo- 
American reunion, its advocates ought to see that the Ger- 
man-Americans will become its inexorable opponents if Ger- 
many is crushed by Britain's aid. 

Fight Your Enemies, Not Your Friends. 

Britain cannot withdraw from the war except by bring- 
ing it to a close, but we know that she would like nothing 
better than to bring it to an honorable close at once, without 
further bloodshed, and that she would be eternally grateful 
to us for any assistance we could lend her in that effort. It 
is essential to us that Britain should be free once more to 
employ her full force for the protection of her colonies, for 
Britain's danger in India is our danger. It is equally essen- 
tial to us that Russia should not exhaust her strength in the 
gruesome and not very promising effort to crush her white 
brothers, her own teachers, the land of universities, but that 
she should concentrate all her powers on her essential task : 
to strengthen the frontier of Siberia^ — our own first line of 
defense. 

The Fiction of German Militarism. 

We are told that Germany will not accept mediation un- 
less she is either completely crushed or completely victorious, 
and that in the latter case her demands will be exorbitant. 
I believe, on the contrary, that Germany, even if completely 
victorious, will surprise the world by her moderation. All 
she asks is "a place in the sun," a permanent position abreast, 
not ahead, of the other great nations. Her "grasping" char- 
acter is best illustrated by the fact that she has only 1.7 
square miles of colonial land to every 100 souls of her home 



19 

population, while Russia has 10 square miles; France, 12; 
Belgium, 12 ; Holland, 13 ; Spain, 26 ; Britain, 35 ; Portugal, 
77, counting both present and former colonies. In other 
words, if Germany does not acquire additional colonies, she 
cannot remain a great power; she will soon be at the mercy 
of her neighbors. 

This is ample explanation of her so-called "militarism," 
which, if you will calmly consider it, is simply imposed on 
her by the inexorable necessity of self-defense. All you have 
to do is to open a book on statistics and you will find that 
Germany's expenditure for war preparation is a good deal 
less, all things considered, than that of the other great 
nations. The mythical character of the prevalent belief in 
German militarism is strikingly illustrated by a letter signed 
''E. G. S." in the New York Evening Post of September 7. 

Kriegsherr Not War Lord. 

The phrase in traditional German "Der oberste Kriegs- 
herr" is ancient, much older than William I or Frederick 
the Great, for that matter. Every sovereign and autonomous 
state has an "oberster Kriegsherr," as George V in Eng- 
land, Nicholas II in Russia, or Woodrow Wilson in these 
our United States, The term means merely "chief com- 
mander of the forces." The superlative in the adjective is 
not absolute, of course, but relative; in the given country, 
all of it a current and proper expression. But some twenty 
years ago, not so very long after the accession of the present 
Emperor of Germany, some smart Aleck conceived it would 
be supremely funny and grotesque to take the "oberster 
Kriegsherr," dress it up in a literal extravaganza version, and 
so bestow upon our generation the "supreme war lord," 
which has been a mighty ally for all those who detested 
"Prussian militarism," so called. The injury which thi,:; 
winged word, caricature though it be, has done to the peace 
of the world and as a means to unbalance the sentiments 
of millions ignorant of the German idiom is simply in- 
effable. 

According to the immortal Barnum, the American people 
like to he humbugged. A great many of them have once 
more been humbugged to their hearts' content by a phrase. 



20 



The Elite Has the Best Right to Expand. 

A member of the Canadian Parliament recently said: 
"The German farms in Pennsylvania are the finest in the 
United States, and the German farms in Ontario are the 
finest in Canada." It does seem cruel that the country which 
furnishes the best colonists should have practically no col- 
onies of its own (home land 208,780 square miles, colonies 
1,128,640 square miles), but be compelled to send its emi- 
grants to foreign countries to strengthen them in the compe- 
tition with the Fatherland. Her neighbors tell her that 
she ought to be resigned to the decree of fate; that she has 
come too late, because there are no more lands to be occu- 
pied; yet even while preaching this gospel of resignation 
they continue to add extensive areas to their already over- 
grown colonial empires. Shall the land of universities be 
called "grasping, arrogant, impudent, overbearing" because 
she tries to glean the few crumbs left after the banquet? 
If it be true that there exists a compact among certain 
nations to prevent Germany from gleaning these crumbs, 
it would be an atrocious piece of ingratitude on the part of 
the pupils toward the teacher, a crime against eugenics. Our 
own consuls, as well as the British consuls, tell us that Tsing- 
tau, which the Japanese are now trying to take away from 
Germany, has under German rule become the model city 
of the Far East, the favorite resort of Britons and Americans, 
a blessing to the natives far and wide. All students of 
municipal institutions go to the German cities as the classic 
models, where neither graft, nor bossism, nor rings exist, 
but everything is clean, honest, scientific, efficient, up-to-date. 
Can you imagine anything more preposterous, more heinous, 
more insane than that the very people who are trying to 
imitate these institutions should band together to prevent 
the expansion of the system which produces such institu- 
tions, nay, to crush that system in its own home? The 
essential agency in human progress has been the consolida- 



21 

tion of small tribes into great nations, able to concentrate 
their force on the achievement of common objects. Wliat 
wonld this country be if, instead of one great nation, it con- 
tained 48 Uttle nations? What would the various parts of 
the British empire be if they were independent? Nothing 
could be more conducive to human progress than the con- 
sohdation of the remaining small nations of the Old Worid 
into a great empire, under the leadership of the most highly 
educated, most scientific, most laborious, most systematic 
nation, with local home rule, of course. The so-called 
"sacred independence" of small states, the pet kitten of the 
phrasemakers, is nothing but a relic of barbarism, which 
can not resist the stream of evolution. It is a platitude to 
say that technical rights often stand in the way of moral 
rights and thus become the seed? of cataclysms. 

Taxatic'v Without Repeesejttatigx. 

The interests of the entire white race, in the struggle to 
maintain its supremacy, cleariy require that the power of 
the strongest white nation be enlisted to its fullest extent, 
by allowing her to acquire an adequate stake in the patri- 
mony to be defended: and if there is nothing left but the 
Near East, the interests of the white race clearly require that 
the protectorate of the Xear East be conceded to Germany. 
In fact, what could be better for any backward country than 
to be taken under the guardianship of Germany and benefit 
by her administration, confessedly the most efficient in the 
world? Some people have been virtually saying to Grer- 
many: "It is your duty as a white nation to join us in de- 
fending our possessions, but we cannot allow you to acquire 
any possessions of your own, because we intend to take every- 
thing ourselves, to keep on growing till we have you at our 
mercy. It is your duty to send your soldiers, if necessary, 
to fight for Russia in Manchuria, for Britain in India, but 
aU the fruits of your exertions are to be ours, and you shall 
have no reward except the satisfaction of having done your 



22 

duty." If Germany is afflicted with ''militarism," as the 
phrasemakers would have us. believe, has she not ample 
motive for it? The logical way to ''crush" that militarism 
is to remove its cause; to allow Germany to acquire enough 
land to assure her future as a great power. In Germany, 
as in all countries, there are, of course, plenty of fire-eaters, 
who want armaments simply for the purpose of intimidation 
and aggression; but they would quickly be silenced by the 
sober sense of the taxpayers, when these find that they are 
no longer compelled to -put their hands in their pockets in 
order to assure their country's future. That highly desir- 
able consummation — the silencing of the fire-eaters — 
would at once be reached through an Anglo-Franco- 
German-American alliance, the only conceivable In- 
ternational Executive Power. German militarism is simply 
a part of European militarism which is the necessary conse- 
quence of the ungentlemanly, unchristian, inhuman doctrine 
of "No concessions!" If we wish to see that militarism 
crushed, let us set the example in the policy of mutual con- 
cessions. 

The Other Great Nations Have Enough Land. 

Now Tsar Nicholas I declared more than 50 years ago 
that "Russia has enough land ; she does not care to acquire 
more but only to develop what she has." That statement 
would seem to be even more correct today, when Russia 
owns 9,783,586 square miles (including last year's acquisi- 
tion, the 912,000 square miles , of Outer MongoHa), assuring 
her position as a great power forever, if she will but do her 
share in uniting the white race and in strengthening the 
frontier of Siberia. The United States owns only 3,743,318 
square miles, yet President Wilson was right in saying that 
no responsible person in this country wants to acquire an- 
other inch of territory, for although our area is but little 
more than one-third that of Russia, we, too, feel our position 
as a great power forever secure — ^if we can keep this country 



23 

white. Last year Mr. Asquith proclaimed a similar self- 
denying ordinance for the British empire (area 12,460,191 
square miles), and he hinted in fairly plain terms that Ger- 
. many iy welcome to take any land that may still be in need 
of a strong civilized master. In return for that declaration, 
Germany had practically agreed to a limitation of armaments 
on the basis of British naval supremacy, and British public 
opinion was beginning to give credence to the ceaseless as- 
surances of German statesmen that Germany never dreamt 
either of invading Britain or annexing the smallest British 
colony. As a result of these mutual explanations and con- 
cessions, an Anglo-German alliance seemed imminent only 
three months ago. So close were we to eternal peace I 

German Version op Catastrophe, 

At this point it may be well, in the interest of impartiality, 
to quote the German account of the origin of the war. Com- 
menting on the recent Russian slogan ''The way to Constan- 
tinople passes through Berlin," the Germans allege that the 
real cause of the Russian mobilization was the rapid drift 
of Britain and Germany toward an alliance, and the efforts 
made by British statesmen to bring about a compromise 
between France and Germany, which would have isolated 
Russia, blocked her path to world dominion, and in particu- 
lar, balked her millennial ambition to ov/n Constantinople 
(a Greek city, 300 miles from Russia, the occupation of 
which would necessarily involve the annexation of Rou- 
mania, Bulgaria and Asia Minor, perhaps Servia and Greece, 
and would place both Germany and Britain at the mercy of 
Russia). To avoid such a check, which would have dis- 
graced the Russian government in the eyes of its subjects 
and thus have afforded the revolutionists their long-desired 
opportunity, prompt action was necessary, before Britain 
and Germany were fully cured of 'their mutual distrust. 
Having to choose between revolution on the one hand and 
new popularity and world-dominion on the other, the Tsar 



24 

and his advisers chose the latter and mobihzed, expecting 
most hkely to achieve their object without war, simply 
through the exhibition of overwhelming force, soon to be- 
come stiil more overwhelming through the virtual annexa- 
tion of the Balkan peninsula. They probably calculated 
tihat Germany, even though aware that her future as a 
great nation was at stake, could not expose her immense in- 
dustrial and commercial interests to the shock of war, and 
hence would not dare make good her protest without Britain's 
support, which, it was correctly surmised, Britain would not 
be ready to lend, through fear of breaking up the laboriously 
constructed Triple Entente before the ripening Anglo- 
German alliance Jiad developed into a dependable fact. The 
Germans seem to have taken it for granted that in this 
matter Britain would necessarily side with them or at least 
remain neutral while they pulled her chestnuts out of the 
fire, and they cannot understand why she should punish 
them for defending her vital interests. Whether this in- 
tricate web of motives had any real existence or is the prod- 
uct of the German imagination, it is, of course, impossible 
to say ; but in view of the general tendency to lay the blame 
on Germany, it seems a matter of simple justice to listen to 
her excuse. 

Anglo-German Alliance — the Kaiser's Hobby. 

At any rate, the whole world knows that union with Brit- 
ain, as the prelude to European union, to ward off the 
Yellow Peril, has been the Kaiser's constant theme for 20 
years, ever since he wrote: "Volker Europas, wahret eure 
hochsten Giiter!" Not long ago he said: ''The day may 
come when Britain will be glad that Germany has a navy, 
when they fight side by side in the great questions of the 
future." I believe that he is as ready to-day as he was three 
months ago to enter into that most natural, God-ordained 
alliance with Britain, which, as the first step toward the 
union of the four great free nations, would at once bestow 
eternal peace on the world. 



25 



Britain the Umpire. 



Bntam has now the same magnificent opportunity by 
which she profited so wisely and so brilliantly in 1815 
Having fought France for 20 years and taken the leading 
part m her overthrow, Britain saved her from mutilation. 
At the Congress of Vienna, some of the powers insisted that 
France must be so reduced in size that she could never be- 
come dangerous again. Britain protested that to dismember 
so glorious a nation would be not only a crime but a folly, 
for the fragments would forever be trying to get together 
again, and Europe would have no rest till they were re- 
united. As a result, France was left intact within the bound- 
aries that she had before the revolution, and Britain's 
reward was a long period of good feeling between the two 
countries, of the greatest profit to both. In the present war, 
Britain has already accomplished her main purpose. Her 
intervention has saved France from being overwhelmed, 
which would have enabled Germany to hurl her full strength 
against Russia. Britain can now earn the lasting friend- 
ship of both France and Germany by mediating between 
them. For the past three years, the vfisest men in England 
have urged France and Germany to settle their burning 
question in the only way in which it can be permanently 
settled— by compromise. That was the most statesmanHke, 
the most urgently needful work ever undertaken by British 
statesmen, and it is more needful now than ever. Let Brit- 
ain insist that, whatever be the outcome of the war, there 
shall be no mutilation on either side, no new burning ques- 
tion substituted for the old, but that the old one be settled 
for good and all — by compromise. In that way the Anglo- 
Franco-German alliance so long and so devoutly prayed for 
by every friend of humanity may shortly become an accom- 
plished fact. It would at once have the tacit adherence 
soon perhaps the formal adherence, of the United States, and 
then the International Executive Power would be complete 
4a 



26 



The Sinister Power of the Automatic No-sayers. 

The situation recalls a passage from Benjamin Franklin's 
autobiography. In 1754 he drew up a plan for the union 
of Britain's American colonies, with a view to the better 
support of the Mother Country. Had that plan been adopted, 
there would have been no revolution; the United States 
would to-day be British territory, its 100 million inhabitants 
loyal British subjects, like the Canadians, Australians, New 
Zealanders; worldwide peace, under Anglo-Saxon supervis- 
ion, would have become an established fact 50 years ago; 
•there would have been no navy but the Anglo-Saxon navy; 
Anglo-Saxon supremacy would by this time be accepted 
throughout the world as one of the immutable laws of the 
universe. The "practical men" in the British Cabinet 
thought the plan 'Hoo democratic," while the "practical 
men" in the colonial assemblies saw in it "too much preroga- 
tive." Thereupon Franklin, pondering over the terrible re- 
sponsibility of those who rejected his advice, remarks with 
tragic solemnity: 

"History is full of the errors of states and princes. Those 
who govern, having much business on their hands, do not 
generally like to take the trouble of considering and carry- 
ing into execution new projects. The best public measures 
are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but 
forced by the occasion." 

In fact, the union of the American colonies, planned by 
Franklin's "previous wisdom" for the better support of the 
Mother Country, was "forced by the occasion" 20 years 
later through the tempest of the revolution against the 
Mother Country. 

A Grand Opportunity Lost. 

We aje "those who govern," and some of us are sadly 
aware of "having much business on their hands." Are we 
sure that this circumstance has never prevented us from 



27 

governing with "previous wisdom"? The resolutions intro- 
duced by Messrs. Stephens and Smith were intended to 
prepare the way for those mutual concessions among Eu- 
ropean nations which would have solved the burning ques- 
tions that have led to the present war. Had we made the 
Model Concession to Canada, there is reason to think that 
the movement for the union of the four great free nations 
into an International Executive Power, stimulated by our 
example, would by this time be so far advanced that the war 
would have been impossible. We were too busy with "more 
important matters." Now the mutual concessions are being 
"forced by the occasion" through a wild cyclone of destruc- 
tion and agony which threatens to put an end to the suprem- 
acy of the white race. Instead of the useful concessions, a 
number of harmful ones will probably be extorted. New 
fuel will be stored up for the next conflagration, till Asia 
is ready to overwhelm us all. 

Do THE Next Best Thing. 

We did not have enough "previous wisdom" to adopt "the 
best public measure;" let us at least gather what wisdom 
we can from the pangs of a neglected opportunity. Having 
failed to prevent the war, let us at least do the next best 
thing — stop the war as quickly as possible. It is probably 
true that none of the warring nations would accept our 
mediation now. There is thus good reason why the media- 
tion itself should be delayed till we feel fairly sure that it 
will be welcomed; but there is no reason whatever why we 
should delay a moment to set the example which is to lend 
weight to our mediation. Even at best it will take some 
time for the news of our example to circulate in Europe 
and make the desired impression ; and meantime the horrible 
slaughter goes on. I request, therefore, that this resolution, 
designed to prepare the way for early mediation, receive 
immediate attention. 



28 



Summary. 



In conclusion let me present the argument in a nutshell. 
Sensible people, wishing to remove an effect, try to re- 
move the cause. The man who has a thorn in his '' 
thumb will waste his time if he tries to ease the pain with i 
bandages and plasters; the only cure is to draw out the 
thorn. So long as the nations of Europe are divided by 
burning questions, you will waste your time if you merely 
discourse on the beau tj^ o f peace; the only cure for the I 
war peril is to solve the burning questions. If we were to ; 
hint to the European nations what mutual concessions they 
should make on these burning questions, some of our quick- 
spoken brothers on the other side of the water would joy- 
fully tell us to mind our business. Happily we need not 
say a word about it. By making a Model Concession to 
Canada, we can inculcate the policy of mutual concessions 
far more effectively and yet make it impossible for the most 
carping critic to accuse us of meddling. 

If a Canadian panhandle extended along our coast to 
Atlantic City, we should long ago have found the situation 
intolerable, and we should have been maddened if the 
Canadians had waited in dull, boorish silence till we were 
forced to complain. Now the fundamental law of Chris- 
tianity, as well as of the gentleman's code, is the Golden 
Rule: "Do unto others as you would they should do unto 
you." Whoever refuses to obey that law is neither a Chris- 
tion nor a gentleman, however loudly he may claim both 
titles. I prefer to think that the great majority of our fellow- 
citizens are both Christians and gentlemen. 



[264341 






^oast 




ALASKA PANHANDLE 

TRANSFERRED TO 

ATLANTIC COAST 



536 miles long, running 

vport, New York, Jersey 

a cent toward American 
1 1 " - * — ^ — 



;si6tjnitf^iww»Mra ng—iiiwimt#<iytg 



Extract from Speech Entitlea 

An International Executive Power 

to Insure Universal Peace and the Union 

and Supremacy of the White Race 

By Hon. FRANK O. SIVHTH 

(Congressional Record, November 7, 1913) 



"A gentleman is always ready to subject him; 
venience, to make considerable sacrifices, in orde 
nuisance. It would be a brutal, barbarous doctrir 
not be a gentleman, even when it can abolish a nuisai 
to itself, nay, with decided gain. It is the statesm. 
citizens' right to be ladies and gentlemen, not on 
tively. This settles the question. To doubt whe 
would make the eflFort to shake off the inertia c 
fact when it is adequately brought to their notic 
would applaud the proposal to relieve our Can^ 
growing nuisance, would be to offer a mortal in 
would imply a doubt whether the majority of them 



self to considerable incon- 
r to relieve some one of a 
le to say that a nation can 
ice without inconvenience 
an's duty to safeguard the 
ly individually but collec- 
ther the American people 
.f a wrongly accomplished 
:e, to doubt whether they 
.dian neighbors of a fast- 
isult to our people, for it 
are ladies and gentlemen. ' ' 



If it were proposed to sell the Alaska Panhan die to a despotic, corrupt, 
inef^cient government, we should rightly refuse tc ' part with an inch or our 
land at any price. But everybody knows that th. 2 Canadian government is 
as liberal, progressive, enlightened, efhcient, as 01 irs. 



(OVER) 



How the Alaska Panharidle would look on our Atlantic Coast 



"Do unto otf g„ as you would they should do unto you." 




"Imagine that our northeastern States were cut off hy^ the Atlantic by a Canadian Panhandle 20 miles wide, 536 miles long, running 
from eastern Maine down nearly to Philadelphia; that all l^he great cities on that seaboard— Boston, Providence, Newport, New York, Jersey 
City— were Canadian cities, deriving their wealth from tl^e American country behind them, yet contributing not a cent toward American 
taxes; that not a pound of freight could be sent to Ne\^. York or Boston for export except in bond! We should long ago have found the 
situation unendurable. Shall we wait till the similar situation becomes unendurable to the Canadians?" 



Draw up a list of the real advantages which the people of the United States, especially of Seattle, enjoy through the possession of the 
Alaska Panhandle. All these advantages could be retaine^J under Canadian ownership of the Panhandle, and important new advantages 
could be gained. The removal of the customs barrier be'tween the Panhandle and the interior would double the value of real estate in the 
Panhandle ports and their trade with Seattle. 

House Joint Resolution 146 simply asks that the nei^otiations be started. If we f^nd that the conditions offered by the British and 
Canadian governments are not satisfactory, we need not lake the deal. 



House Joint Resolution 146, introduced by Mr. Smith of Maryland, October 
31, 1913 (substantially identical with H. J. Res. 83, introduced by Mr. Stephens 
of Texas) : 

Resolved, etc., That the President be, and he is hereby, requested to nego- 
tiate with the British and Canadian governments regarding the transfer of south- 
eastern Alaska to Canada by sale or exchange or both. ' ' 



i these six lines S 



wm, 



"The white race can maintain its supremacy only through union. Union 
among the leading white nations is impossible without mutual concessions^ on 
certain 'burning questions,' mostly relating to irrational boundaries, due to the 
caprice of historic accident, like that o| the Alaska Panhandle. The best way 
to advocate mutual concessions is by Ifxample — by a Model Concession to 



Canada." 



ixa 



(OVER) 



idle would look on our Atlantic 

^rs as you would they should do unto you. " 



/as loo 



% 





)m the Atlantic by a Canadian Panhandle 20 miles wi 

the great cities on that seaboard— Boston, Providence, ] 

f^^^ie American country behind them, yet contributing n 



*^ll 








i* 






P 






:d 




i 






c^l 





POSSIBLE EQUIVALENTS FOR THE ALASKA PAN- 
HANDLE. 

(This is not a part of the speech.) 

(1) A sum of money. 

(2) British Honduras, which might be offered to Mexico 
in exchange for Lower CaHfornia (including Magdalena 
Bay) and enough of Sonora to give Arizona a port on the 
Gulf of Mexico. 

(3) A strip of Yukon territory to enable us to build a 
much-needed ail-American railway from Haines to Kenni- 
cott Mines, Alaska, which would not be blocked by snow in 
winter. 

(4) The repeal of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, that is to 
say, absolute control of the Panama Canal. 

At the same time we should lose nothing, for we could 
doubtless retain every advantage we now enjoy through the 
possession of the Panhandle. On this point a member of 
the Canadian Parliament made the following statement: 
''If you are \villing to let us have this piece of land, you 
can name any conditions, and we will agree to everything. 
If you wish free trade with the Panhandle for a certain 
number of years, we will let you have it as long as you like. 
If you wish preferential treatment for your citizens in the 
matter of franchises and concessions in the Panhandle, we 
will agree to that. If you wish part of the purchase price 
in money, name your sum, and if it is not excessive, we will 
pay it." 

A Canadian capitalist remarked that "if Uncle Sam will 
let us have this Panhandle for fifty million dollars, we can 
raise the money right here in Vancouver." Fifty million 
dollars would be a magnificent endowment for a national 
university. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS n 

021 547 975 4 



